K100 million to K100 billion kina missing per month from time to time. Ghost projects on paper purposely to steal state funds. Contracts given to wantoks. Medical supplies that never reach the clinics. School funds that never buy desks and other necessities. Roads promised that never get built.

Across the villages, communities feel it directly. Proposals are written for basic services as K300,000 to little K100, 000 for a community SME project to serve 3,000 people are not approved. Little projects to serve the community responsibilities are ignored by government officials. 

Land and labor contribute to starting up small medium businesses in the communities. Yet the waiting continues while big money disappears in Waigani with no explanation and no accountability.

The young, the old, and the voiceless ask the same question: "Why bother? The big men will just steal it anyway." The answer must be this: "It always seems impossible until it's done."

That is the truth about corruption. It survives on silence. It survives when people say, "This is just PNG way." It survives when good people decide the fight is too hard.

But history shows a different path. Every major change in this country started with ordinary people who refused to accept that "impossible" was the final answer.

The Bougainville crisis seemed impossible to end until the people chose peace over guns. The introduction of DSIP and PSIP seemed impossible until districts demanded control of their own money. The fight against sorcery-related violence seemed impossible until churches, women, and communities stood up together and said, "No more."

Government corruption is no different. It only looks permanent because the job of stopping it has not been finished. That job was not finished until the last toea reaching the child in the classroom, the patient in the clinic, and the farmer on the road.

The fight must continue until it is done. The fight is not just about protesting or posting on Facebook. The fight is practical.

First, transparency must be demanded at every level. Every district, every LLG, and every department must publish where the money goes. Quarterly reports should be placed on notice boards in Tok Pisin and English. Community leaders must ask for acquittals. Projects must be photographed. Signboards with costs must be erected at every project site. When leaders know the people are watching, decisions change.

Second, the systems already in place must be used. The Ombudsman Commission, Police Fraud Squad, and Auditor General are not perfect, but they exist because the founding fathers knew this day would come. Reports must be made. Follow-ups must be done. Silence is consent. One prosecution done properly sends a message to a hundred others.

Third, children must be taught a different way. In villages, leaders must no longer be celebrated just because they bring bags of rice during elections. Leaders must be celebrated who build classrooms, who acquit properly, and who serve without stealing. The wantok system is for sharing food, not for sharing government contracts. Bigman status must come from service, not from theft. Culture can change. The country moved from tribal fighting to elections. The same shift can happen from "take what you can" to "serve the people."

Fourth, good leaders must be supported and protected. Not all leaders are corrupt. There are MPs, public servants, police officers, and church leaders trying to do the right thing under heavy pressure. Some have been threatened. Some have been sidelined. When only criticism is given and no encouragement, everyone is pushed into the same basket. Good leaders must be named and defended when hard decisions are made.

To the Marape Government, this must be said respectfully. The slogan "Take Back PNG" was believed. Seven years later, the feeling in the villages is that the taking has continued, just by different hands and in larger amounts. The big fish must be locked up. Audit reports must be published. The law must apply to everyone, from the village councilor to the minister. If justice is only for the poor, then it is not justice.

To the opposition, the churches, the media, and the civil society, the work of asking questions must not stop. The role of a watchdog is to bark even when no one is listening yet.

To all Papua New Guineans, tiredness must be resisted. The belief that one person can not make a difference must be rejected. A majority of communities across the nation may seem small compared to K30 billion budgets. But when 3,000 people get a place to meet, plan, and hold leaders accountable, that is how a nation is rebuilt, one community at a time.

When one ward refuses to steal money, the next ward finds courage. When one district publishes its books, the next district feels shame. That is how "impossible" becomes "done."

Yes, corruption is imposing. The networks are deep. The money is big. The excuses are many. This is how it has always been.Connections are needed. If it is not taken, someone else will.

But every corrupt deal was "done" by people who decided to try. This means an honest PNG can also be "done" by people who decide to try.

There is an old saying, "A bush knife can not cut a big tree in one swing. But if the same place is struck again and again, the tree will fall."

This is the swing. In homes, when lies are refused for relatives. In churches when greed is preached against. In LLGs, when receipts are demanded. In votes when character is chosen over cash. In the willingness to speak up even when the voice shakes.

Papua New Guinea will mark 50 plus years of Independence next year. The country is no longer a child. Blame can not keep being placed on colonialism or others for problems created here. The time for responsibility is now.

It always seems impossible until it's done.

Let it be done. For the children who deserve schools with books. For the sick who deserve medicine in clinics. For the farmers who deserve roads to market. For PNG.

--Nelson Wandi 

Papua New Guinea continues to face a dangerous pattern of governance where leaders appear to respond only after problems spiral into national crises. Instead of identifying risks early and preventing disasters before they happen, authorities often wait until public anger grows, social media explodes, or shortages cripple ordinary citizens. This style of leadership reflects a reaction-based government rather than a proactive one. A proactive government plans ahead, monitors warning signs, and acts before citizens suffer. A reactive government waits for damage to occur first before making public statements and promises.
One of the clearest examples is the recurring fuel shortages experienced across PNG. Every time fuel begins disappearing from service stations, government ministers suddenly rush to television, radio, and newspapers claiming they are “addressing the issue.” But the public continues asking the same question: why was the crisis not prevented in the first place? Fuel supply chains do not collapse overnight. Warning signs exist weeks in advance. A competent government should have monitoring systems, reserve strategies, and contingency plans already in place before shortages begin affecting transport, businesses, hospitals, and schools.

The same reactionary approach is seen when public servants experience delayed salaries. Teachers, nurses, police officers, and other government workers often suffer unnecessary financial stress because payroll issues are only addressed after workers begin complaining publicly. Only then do leaders appear in the media saying departments have been “directed” to process payments urgently. Such responses reveal poor planning and weak administrative systems. Public servants should never be forced into uncertainty over salaries because proper systems should already guarantee timely payments without emergency interventions.

Natural disasters and infrastructure failures provide another example of weak forward planning. Roads collapse, bridges deteriorate, and flooding destroys communities year after year, yet maintenance and preparedness remain minimal. Instead of investing consistently in preventive maintenance, governments often wait until destruction occurs before mobilizing emergency funds. This costs more money in the long term and exposes citizens to unnecessary hardship. Prevention is always cheaper and more effective than crisis response, but PNG continues operating in a cycle of neglect followed by panic.

The health sector also reflects this pattern of incompetence. Medicine shortages, hospital overcrowding, and lack of medical equipment are treated as urgent emergencies only after the public begins suffering visibly. Rural health centers continue operating without proper supplies while government responses often come too late. A proactive administration would strengthen procurement systems, maintain strategic reserves, and regularly audit provincial health facilities before shortages become life-threatening. Instead, the country repeatedly witnesses temporary “quick fixes” designed more for media headlines than long-term solutions.

Education suffers from similar governance failures. Problems such as late school subsidies, shortages of teaching materials, overcrowded classrooms, and examination disruptions are repeatedly addressed only after students and schools are already affected. Education is one of the most predictable sectors because academic calendars, student numbers, and operational needs are known well in advance. Yet delays and confusion continue annually, exposing a lack of strategic planning within the system. The inability to prepare adequately for recurring yearly events raises serious questions about administrative competence.
Another major concern is the culture of political public relations replacing genuine governance. Too often, government leaders appear more focused on media appearances than actual preparation and implementation. Press conferences are held after crises erupt, presenting promises and directives as though action alone should be celebrated. But citizens are increasingly recognizing that leadership should not be measured by how loudly leaders react during emergencies, but by how effectively they prevent emergencies from occurring at all.

The problem goes beyond individual ministers and points toward a broader institutional weakness within government systems. Many departments appear disconnected, poorly coordinated, and lacking reliable forecasting mechanisms. Data collection, risk assessment, and long-term national planning remain weak in many sectors. Without strong institutions capable of anticipating problems, the country remains trapped in constant crisis management. Governments that function effectively invest heavily in prevention, planning, and accountability rather than depending on last-minute interventions.
​
Public frustration continues growing because ordinary Papua New Guineans are tired of repeated cycles of failure followed by excuses. Citizens want a government that anticipates challenges before they disrupt lives. They want leaders who spend less time reacting in front of cameras and more time building systems that function reliably. Confidence in leadership declines when the same avoidable problems continue happening year after year without lasting solutions. The public increasingly sees these repeated failures not as isolated incidents, but as evidence of systemic incompetence.
Papua New Guinea possesses enormous natural wealth and human potential, yet progress continues to be undermined by reactive governance. True leadership requires foresight, preparation, and strategic thinking. A competent government does not wait for fuel stations to run dry, salaries to be delayed, hospitals to run out of medicine, or roads to collapse before taking action. It acts early, plans properly, and protects citizens from avoidable hardship. Until PNG shifts from reaction politics to proactive governance, the nation risks remaining trapped in a cycle of recurring crises and public disappointment.

​Mobile telecommunications companies in Papua New Guinea have become deeply embedded in everyday life. From communication and education to banking, business, and social interaction, millions of Papua New Guineans rely heavily on mobile data, SMS, and prepaid call services. However, growing public frustration is emerging over what many consumers now describe as unfair and exploitative practices by mobile carriers, particularly regarding the expiry of prepaid bundles. Increasingly, customers believe they are being systematically disadvantaged through policies that allow companies to profit from services that were paid for but never fully delivered.

One of the most controversial issues is the expiry of prepaid data bundles. Customers purchase mobile data using their hard-earned money with the expectation that the full amount they paid for will remain available until they use it. Yet many carriers impose strict expiry dates, sometimes only a few days or weeks long. When the deadline arrives, unused data simply disappears, regardless of whether the customer had a fair opportunity to use it. For many consumers, this feels less like a service condition and more like legalized confiscation of paid value.
The situation becomes even more troubling when network reliability is taken into account. Across many parts of Papua New Guinea, customers regularly experience slow internet speeds, dropped connections, unstable signals, and prolonged outages. During these disruptions, users are often unable to access online services properly, stream educational content, conduct business, or even use basic communication tools. Despite these failures in service delivery, the countdown on prepaid bundles continues uninterrupted. Customers effectively lose purchased data not because they used it, but because the network itself prevented them from doing so.
This has led to accusations that some telecommunications companies are benefiting financially from poor service quality. If customers are unable to consume their purchased bundles due to unreliable network performance, and those bundles later expire unused, the company still retains the customer’s money while recovering unused network capacity. Critics argue that this creates a dangerous incentive structure where companies profit regardless of whether customers receive the full service they paid for. In the eyes of many frustrated users, this resembles a form of corporate exploitation disguised as standard business practice.
The comparison with other utility providers raises important questions about fairness and consistency. When consumers buy electricity from PNG Power Ltd or pay for water services from Water PNG, unused portions are not automatically erased after a short expiry period. Customers reasonably expect that what they purchase remains theirs until consumed. Mobile carriers, however, operate under a different model where prepaid value can disappear entirely after arbitrary deadlines, even though the customer already paid in advance. Many consumers now question why telecommunications services should be treated differently.
Another concern is the lack of transparency surrounding how these expiry systems are designed and enforced. Most customers never receive a clear explanation of the legal basis for bundle expiries or how much unused prepaid value telecommunications companies collect annually from expired accounts. Given the scale of mobile usage across Papua New Guinea, the total value of expired data, SMS, and call bundles could amount to millions of Kina every year. Without public disclosure or regulatory scrutiny, consumers are left wondering whether this represents one of the largest hidden revenue streams in the telecommunications industry.
Critics also argue that prepaid customers are particularly vulnerable because they often belong to lower-income communities. Many Papua New Guineans purchase small data bundles frequently, sacrificing other necessities in order to stay connected for work, education, and family communication. When these bundles expire unused, the financial impact falls hardest on ordinary citizens who can least afford repeated losses. For struggling households, losing prepaid balances due to poor connectivity and short expiry periods is not merely an inconvenience; it is an economic burden that compounds existing hardship.
The role of regulators has therefore come under increasing scrutiny. Institutions such as the Independent Consumer and Competition Commission and the Ombudsman Commission are being urged to investigate whether current telecommunications practices adequately protect consumer rights. Many consumers believe regulators should require greater transparency, fairer expiry policies, and compensation mechanisms when networks fail to provide reliable access. Others argue that Parliament itself may eventually need to intervene through legislation specifically designed to protect prepaid mobile customers from losing paid balances unfairly.
Internationally, debates around prepaid expiry policies are already taking place in several countries. Some jurisdictions have introduced stronger consumer protections requiring longer validity periods, rollover options, or refunds for unused balances under certain conditions. These reforms recognize that digital connectivity is no longer a luxury but an essential service. Papua New Guinea may soon face pressure to modernize its telecommunications regulations in order to ensure that consumers are treated fairly in an increasingly digital economy.
Ultimately, the controversy surrounding expiring data bundles reflects a broader issue of trust between telecommunications companies and the public. Customers are not demanding free services; they are demanding fair value for services they already paid for. If mobile carriers continue to prioritize profit over fairness and reliability, public resentment will likely continue to grow. In a country where communication technology is essential for national development, education, business, and social connection, consumers deserve transparency, accountability, and protection from practices they increasingly view as exploitative and unjust.

A key pillar of this partnership is recruitment and training collaboration. Under the agreement, Papua New Guineans can now join the Australian Defence Force (ADF), with pathways opening from January 2026. This is a major shift, with projections suggesting thousands of Papua New Guineans could eventually serve in Australian ranks.

Such arrangements require absolute confidence in the integrity of recruitment systems within the Papua New Guinea Defence Force. Any perception of political interference, favouritism, or corruption does not remain a domestic issue—it directly affects Australia’s national security interests as well.

This is where the controversy surrounding Billy Joseph becomes deeply problematic. Allegations of recruitment bias within PNGDF—particularly claims that political influence shaped enlistment—strike at the very foundation of merit-based military systems. Even without a final legal determination, the optics alone are damaging.

The fact that Joseph reportedly stepped aside to allow investigations into these allegations reinforces the seriousness of the situation. In governance terms, stepping aside is often a signal that the matter has escalated beyond routine criticism and into a potential institutional crisis.

From Australia’s perspective, this creates a dilemma. Canberra has invested heavily in PNG’s defence capacity, viewing it as central to regional stability and its Pacific strategy. But strategic partnerships rely not just on shared interests, but on trust in leadership and systems.

If recruitment processes in PNG are perceived to be compromised, Australia risks importing those weaknesses into its own military through the recruitment pathway. This is not a theoretical concern—defence forces depend on discipline, professionalism, and political neutrality. Any erosion of these principles could have long-term consequences.

Moreover, the treaty itself envisions increasing integration between the two forces, including personnel exchanges and joint operations. If leadership controversies persist at the ministerial level, it undermines confidence in the governance of that integration.

There is also a reputational dimension. Australia, as a regional leader, promotes transparency, rule of law, and institutional integrity. Continuing close defence dealings with a minister under investigation risks sending the wrong message—not only within PNG, but across the Pacific.

This does not mean Australia should abandon its partnership with Papua New Guinea. The relationship is too important, historically and strategically. But it does suggest that engagement should be recalibrated—focused on institutions, oversight mechanisms, and verified processes rather than individuals under scrutiny.

In that context, Billy Joseph should not be at the centre of defence dealings while serious allegations remain unresolved. Leadership in the defence sector demands unimpeachable credibility. Until investigations are concluded, his continued involvement risks weakening both PNG’s internal military integrity and Australia’s confidence in the partnership.

Ultimately, this moment is a test—not just for one minister, but for the strength of governance in Papua New Guinea. If the system can investigate transparently and act decisively, the partnership with Australia will emerge stronger. If not, Canberra will have every reason to think twice about how far and how fast defence integration should proceed.


Let your voice be heard, send your commentaries to : email : pngfacts@gmail.com

By George Lemako,
A troubling culture has quietly taken root in Papua New Guinea — the growing dependence on so-called “middle men” to access services that should normally be provided through proper systems. This practice is no longer isolated. It has become widespread, normalised, and deeply harmful to the country’s social and institutional foundations.

Instead of following official procedures, many people are now encouraged to go through individuals who claim to have “connections.” These middle men present themselves as gatekeepers to jobs, education, transfers, documents, and even personal relationships. In truth, many are exploiting desperation, limited information, and slow government processes to enrich themselves.

One of the most disturbing examples appears in personal and family matters. Money is increasingly handed to middle men to “talk on behalf” of someone seeking a girlfriend or marriage arrangement. These individuals exaggerate demands, misrepresent families, and quietly pocket large sums. What should be a respectful cultural process becomes a business transaction driven by deception.

The same behaviour is widespread in employment. Job seekers are told to pay a “connection fee” to people who claim to know someone inside an office. In most cases, the employer has no knowledge of such arrangements. Young people, desperate for work, lose their money and confidence, while the middle men walk away untouched.

In the education sector, the abuse is even more damaging. Teachers are pressured to pay money for postings or transfers to preferred locations. Education authorities receive nothing, yet teachers are left frustrated and financially strained. Even worse, some middle men promise to push school dropouts into universities or teachers colleges by bypassing entry requirements. Families are charged huge amounts, fake acceptance letters are issued, and young people lose both their savings and their future when the fraud is exposed.

Public servants are not spared either. Middle men claim they can “activate” salaries or fast-track payroll processing. Payments are made in hope, but salaries remain unpaid. By the time victims realise they have been deceived, the middle man has disappeared.

Another dangerous practice involves the printing of letters, references, approvals, and certificates. Many of these documents are forged or altered to look official. Some even carry fake signatures and stamps. When such documents are discovered, innocent users face disciplinary action or legal trouble, while institutions suffer reputational damage.

The idea of fast-tracking services has become a convenient excuse for exploitation. Middle men inflate costs, deliberately delay processes, or deliver nothing at all. They thrive in confusion and weak enforcement, turning public frustration into personal profit.

The truth must be said clearly: middle men do not fix broken systems — they poison them. They encourage corruption, weaken trust, and normalise dishonesty. Every time someone pays a middle man, the system becomes weaker and the cycle deepens.

Papua New Guinea cannot build strong institutions while this culture continues unchecked. Citizens must begin to reject shortcuts and refuse unofficial payments. Information must be verified directly with responsible offices. Accountability must replace convenience.

The message is simple but urgent:

• Deal directly with the rightful office.
  
• Question anyone asking for “connection money.”
• Refuse unofficial fees.

Middle men enrich themselves — not you, not your family, and not the nation.

One crucial step you should consider is pegging the country’s currency and implementing a fixed exchange rate, similar to what former Prime Minister Peter O'Neill did in 2014. When you came into power, the decision to float the kina and devalue it, under the advice of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), was a mistake. The devaluation has only led to import inflation, increasing the cost of goods and services across the country.

Businesses are now paying more for imports due to the weak kina, and this additional cost is being passed down to consumers. This is why the prices of everyday goods continue to rise, and they will likely keep rising as long as the kina remains weak. Many businesses that cannot handle these economic pressures are scaling down their operations or shutting down altogether, leading to higher unemployment across the country.

Unemployment and economic instability often lead to a rise in crime, as people become desperate to make ends meet. There is a direct connection between job losses and increased criminal activity. While addressing law and order is essential, it must go hand in hand with economic reforms. Without fixing the economy, crime will continue to escalate, adding another layer of complexity to the nation's problems.

Papua New Guinea's economy relies heavily on its extractive industries, including gold, silver, nickel, cobalt, and natural gas. These sectors account for 83% of the country’s total exports and are the main sources of foreign exchange (forex). The government must prioritize negotiations and work to reopen projects such as Papua LNG, P’nyang, and Wafi Golpu. These projects are essential for bringing in much-needed foreign currency and stabilizing the economy.

At the same time, it is crucial to build and revitalize the agriculture sector. The country cannot afford to rely solely on the extractive industries for economic growth. Bringing in top Israeli agriculture companies to revamp old plantations could be a game-changer. These efforts should be focused on building new towns, cities, schools, and hospitals around these agricultural hubs to prevent overcrowding in major cities. Rural development is key to achieving balanced economic growth.

When the economy begins to recover and people have money in their pockets, the government can then turn its attention to strengthening law enforcement and addressing the country’s law and order issues. Economic empowerment will lead to more stable communities, and this will lay the groundwork for developing a vibrant tourism industry that can further diversify the economy.

This path forward is not complicated; it simply requires practical, realistic steps that can be implemented quickly. The time for lofty promises and grand visions is over. What Papua New Guinea needs are simple, actionable solutions that will provide immediate relief and long-term growth. Let us move away from pipe dreams and focus on policies that deliver tangible results for the people.

Prime Minister Marape, the responsibility for these reforms rests with you. The country is watching and waiting for you to take the lead in securing a better future for all Papua New Guineans.

Also read

• Opinion: PNG Citizens Seek Australian Intervention for Caretaker Government
• PNG Politics And Politicians Are Sinking PNG Instead Of Taking It Back From Sinking

By Ruben PULI

Amidst a grave situation in Papua New Guinea (PNG), citizens are making an unprecedented plea to the Australian Government, seeking assistance through the establishment of a caretaker government. The current state of affairs in PNG is dire, characterized by significant financial woes that have burdened an already impoverished population and low-income public servants with hefty taxes.

I propose the following penalties under the leadership code law.
1. K50 000 to K100 000 court fine 
2. Dismissal from office for life 
3. 20 years life imprisonment 
4. Repay funds misused with 500% interest and forfiet everything back to the state.
The country needs tough laws to change leaders mindsets from general corruption and stealing public funds.
Under the leadership code law, leaders cannot be arrested, charged, locked up in police cell and sentenced to prison for stealing thousands and millions of kina.
However under the summary offence act and criminal code act, ordinary person can be arrested, charged, locked up in police cell and sentenced to prison for stealing cheesepop, biscuit, lolly and 10t only. 
We have two sets of law in PNG.

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